Laws Book 5 - Plato

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Athenian Stranger. Listen, all ye who have just now heard the laws 
about Gods, and about our dear forefathers:-Of all the things which 
a man has, next to the Gods, his soul is the most divine and most 
truly his own. Now in every man there are two parts: the better and 
superior, which rules, and the worse and inferior, which serves; and 
the ruling part of him is always to be preferred to the subject. 
Wherefore I am right in bidding every one next to the Gods, who are 
our masters, and those who in order follow them [i.e., the demons], to 
honour his own soul, which every one seems to honour, but no one 
honours as he ought; for honour is a divine good, and no evil thing is 
honourable; and he who thinks that he can honour the soul by word or 
gift, or any sort of compliance, without making her in any way better, 
seems to honour her, but honours her not at all. For example, every 
man, from his very boyhood, fancies that he is able to know 
everything, and thinks that he honours his soul by praising her, and 
he is very ready to let her do whatever she may like. But I mean to 
say that in acting thus he injures his soul, and is far from honouring 
her; whereas, in our opinion, he ought to honour her as second only to 
the Gods. Again, when a man thinks that others are to be blamed, and 
not himself, for the errors which he has committed from time to 
time, and the many and great evils which befell him in consequence, 
and is always fancying himself to be exempt and innocent, he is 
under the idea that he is honouring his soul; whereas the very reverse 
is the fact, for he is really injuring her. And when, disregarding the 
word and approval of the legislator, he indulges in pleasure, then 
again he is far from honouring her; he only dishonours her, and 
fills her full of evil and remorse; or when he does not endure to 
the end the labours and fears and sorrows and pains which the 
legislator approves, but gives way before them, then, by yielding, 
he does not honour the soul, but by all such conduct he makes her to 
be dishonourable; nor when he thinks that life at any price is a good, 
does he honour her, but yet once more he dishonours her; for the 
soul having a notion that the world below is all evil, he yields to 
her, and does not resist and teach or convince her that, for aught she 
knows, the world of the Gods below, instead of being evil, may be 
the greatest of all goods. Again, when any one prefers beauty to 
virtue, what is this but the real and utter dishonour of the soul? For 
such a preference implies that the body is more honourable than the 
soul; and this is false, for there is nothing of earthly birth which 
is more honourable than the heavenly, and he who thinks otherwise of 
the soul has no idea how greatly he undervalues this wonderful 
possession; nor, again, when a person is willing, or not unwilling, to 
acquire dishonest gains, does he then honour his soul with gifts-far 
otherwise; he sells her glory and honour for a small piece of gold; 
but all the gold which is under or upon the earth is not enough to 
give in exchange for virtue. In a word, I may say that he who does not 
estimate the base and evil, the good and noble, according to the 
standard of the legislator, and abstain in every possible way from the 
one and practise the other to the utmost of his power, does not know 
that in all these respects he is most foully and disgracefully abusing 
his soul, which is the divinest part of man; for no one, as I may say, 
ever considers that which is declared to be the greatest penalty of 
evil-doing--namely, to grow into the likeness of bad men, and 
growing like them to fly from the conversation of the good, and be cut 
off from them, and cleave to and follow after the company of the 
bad. And he who is joined to them must do and suffer what such men 
by nature do and say to one another-a suffering which is not justice 
but retribution; for justice and the just are noble, whereas 
retribution is the suffering which waits upon injustice; and whether a 
man escape or endure this, he is miserable-in the former case, because 
he is not cured; while in the latter, he perishes in order that the 
rest of mankind may be saved. 
Speaking generally, our glory is to follow the better and improve 
the inferior, which is susceptible of improvement, as far as this is 
possible. And of all human possessions, the soul is by nature most 
inclined to avoid the evil, and track out and find the chief good; 
which when a man has found, he should take up his abode with it during 
the remainder of his life. Wherefore the soul also is second [or 
next to God] in honour; and third, as every one will perceive, comes 
the honour of the body in natural order. Having determined this, we 
have next to consider that there is a natural honour of the body, 
and that of honours some are true and some are counterfeit. To 
decide which are which is the business of the legislator; and he, I 
suspect, would intimate that they are as follows:-Honour is not to 
be given to the fair body, or to the strong or the swift or the 
tall, or to the healthy body (although many may think otherwise), 
any more than to their opposites; but the mean states of all these 
habits are by far the safest and most moderate; for the one extreme 
makes the soul braggart and insolent, and the other, illiberal and 
base; and money, and property, and distinction all go to the same 
tune. The excess of any of these things is apt to be a source of 
hatreds and divisions among states and individuals; and the defect 
of them is commonly a cause of slavery. And, therefore, I would not 
have any one fond of heaping up riches for the sake of his children, 
in order that he may leave them as rich as possible. For the 
possession of great wealth is of no use, either to them or to the 
state. The condition of youth which is free from flattery, and at 
the same time not in need of the necessaries of life, is the best 
and most harmonious of all, being in accord and agreement with our 
nature, and making life to be most entirely free from sorrow. Let 
parents, then, bequeath to their children not a heap of riches, but 
the spirit of reverence. We, indeed, fancy that they will inherit 
reverence from us, if we rebuke them when they show a want of 
reverence. But this quality is not really imparted to them by the 
present style of admonition, which only tells them that the young 
ought always to be reverential. A sensible legislator will rather 
exhort the elders to reverence the younger, and above all to take heed 
that no young man sees or hears one of themselves doing or saying 
anything disgraceful; for where old men have no shame, there young men 
will most certainly be devoid of reverence. The best way of training 
the young is to train yourself at the same time; not to admonish them, 
but to be always carrying out your own admonitions in practice. He who 
honours his kindred, and reveres those who share in the same Gods 
and are of the same blood and family, may fairly expect that the 
Gods who preside over generation will be propitious to him, and will 
quicken his seed. And he who deems the services which his friends 
and acquaintances do for him, greater and more important than they 
themselves deem them, and his own favours to them less than theirs 
to him, will have their good-will in the intercourse of life. And 
surely in his relations to the state and his fellow citizens, he is by 
far the best, who rather than the Olympic or any other victory of 
peace or war, desires to win the palm of obedience to the laws of 
his country, and who, of all mankind, is the person reputed to have 
obeyed them best through life. In his relations to strangers, a man 
should consider that a contract is a most holy thing, and that all 
concerns and wrongs of strangers are more directly dependent on the 
protection of God, than wrongs done to citizens; for the stranger, 
having no kindred and friends, is more to be pitied by Gods and men. 
Wherefore, also, he who is most able to avenge him is most zealous 
in his cause; and he who is most able is the genius and the god of the 
stranger, who follow in the train of Zeus, the god of strangers. And 
for this reason, he who has a spark of caution in him, will do his 
best to pass through life without sinning against the stranger. And of 
offences committed, whether against strangers or fellow-countrymen, 
that against suppliants is the greatest. For the god who witnessed 
to the agreement made with the suppliant, becomes in a special 
manner the guardian of the sufferer; and he will certainly not 
suffer unavenged. 
Thus we have fairly described the manner in which a man is to act 
about his parents, and himself, and his own affairs; and in relation 
to the state, and his friends, and kindred, both in what concerns 
his own countrymen, and in what concerns the stranger. We will now 
consider what manner of man he must be who would best pass through 
life in respect of those other things which are not matters of law, 
but of praise and blame only; in which praise and blame educate a man, 
and make him more tractable and amenable to the laws which are about 
to be imposed. 
Truth is the beginning of every good thing, both to Gods and men; 
and he who would be blessed and happy, should be from the first a 
partaker of the truth, that he may live a true man as long as 
possible, for then he can be trusted; but he is not to be trusted 
who loves voluntary falsehood, and he who loves involuntary 
falsehood is a fool. Neither condition is enviable, for the 
untrustworthy and ignorant has no friend, and as time advances he 
becomes known, and lays up in store for himself isolation in crabbed 
age when life is on the wane: so that, whether his children or friends 
are alive or not, he is equally solitary.-Worthy of honour is he who 
does no injustice, and of more than twofold honour, if he not only 
does no injustice himself, but hinders others from doing any; the 
first may count as one man, the second is worth many men, because he 
informs the rulers of the injustice of others. And yet more highly 
to be esteemed is he who co-operates with the rulers in correcting the 
citizens as far as he can-he shall be proclaimed the great and perfect 
citizen, and bear away the palm of virtue. The same praise may be 
given about temperance and wisdom, and all other goods which may be 
imparted to others, as well as acquired by a man for himself; he who 
imparts them shall be honoured as the man of men, and he who is 
willing, yet is not able, may be allowed the second place; but he 
who is jealous and will not, if he can help, allow others to partake 
in a friendly way of any good, is deserving of blame: the good, 
however, which he has, is not to be undervalued by us because it is 
possessed by him, but must be acquired by us also to the utmost of our 
power. Let every man, then, freely strive for the prize of virtue, and 
let there be no envy. For the unenvious nature increases the greatness 
of states-he himself contends in the race, blasting the fair fame of 
no man; but the envious, who thinks that he ought to get the better by 
defaming others, is less energetic himself in the pursuit of true 
virtue, and reduces his rivals to despair by his unjust slanders of 
them. And so he makes the whole city to enter the arena untrained in 
the practice of virtue, and diminishes her glory as far as in him 
lies. Now every man should be valiant, but he should also be gentle. 
From the cruel, or hardly curable, or altogether incurable acts of 
injustice done to him by others, a man can only escape by fighting and 
defending himself and conquering, and by never ceasing to punish them; 
and no man who is not of a noble spirit is able to accomplish this. As 
to the actions of those who do evil, but whose evil is curable, in the 
first place, let us remember that the unjust man is not unjust of 
his own free will. For no man of his own free will would choose to 
possess the greatest of evils, and least of all in the most honourable 
part of himself. And the soul, as we said, is of a truth deemed by all 
men the most honourable. In the soul, then, which is the most 
honourable part of him, no one, if he could help, would admit, or 
allow to continue the greatest of evils. The unrighteous and vicious 
are always to be pitied in any case; and one can afford to forgive 
as well as pity him who is curable, and refrain and calm one's 
anger, not getting into a passion, like a woman, and nursing 
ill-feeling. But upon him who is incapable of reformation and wholly 
evil, the vials of our wrath should be poured out; wherefore I say 
that good men ought, when occasion demands, to be both gentle and 
Of all evils the greatest is one which in the souls of most men is 
innate, and which a man is always excusing in himself and never 
correcting; mean, what is expressed in the saying that "Every man by 
nature is and ought to be his own friend." Whereas the excessive 
love of self is in reality the source to each man of all offences; for 
the lover is blinded about the beloved, so that he judges wrongly of 
the just, the good, and the honourable, and thinks that he ought 
always to prefer himself to the truth. But he who would be a great man 
ought to regard, not himself or his interests, but what is just, 
whether the just act be his own or that of another. Through a 
similar error men are induced to fancy that their own ignorance is 
wisdom, and thus we who may be truly said to know nothing, think 
that we know all things; and because we will not let others act for us 
in what we do not know, we are compelled to act amiss ourselves. 
Wherefore let every man avoid excess of self-love, and condescend to 
follow a better man than himself, not allowing any false shame to 
stand in the way. There are also minor precepts which are often 
repeated, and are quite as useful; a man should recollect them and 
remind himself of them. For when a stream is flowing out, there should 
be water flowing in too; and recollection flows in while wisdom is 
departing. Therefore I say that a man should refrain from excess 
either of laughter or tears, and should exhort his neighbour to do the 
same; he should veil his immoderate sorrow or joy, and seek to 
behave with propriety, whether the genius of his good fortune 
remains with him, or whether at the crisis of his fate, when he 
seems to be mounting high and steep places, the Gods oppose him in 
some of his enterprises. Still he may ever hope, in the case of good 
men, that whatever afflictions are to befall them in the future God 
will lessen, and that present evils he will change for the better; and 
as to the goods which are the opposite of these evils, he will not 
doubt that they will be added to them, and that they will be 
fortunate. Such should be men's hopes, and such should be the 
exhortations with which they admonish one another, never losing an 
opportunity, but on every occasion distinctly reminding themselves and 
others of all these things, both in jest and earnest. 
Enough has now been said of divine matters, both as touching the 
practices which men ought to follow, and as to the sort of persons who 
they ought severally to be. But of human things we have not as yet 
spoken, and we must; for to men we are discoursing and not to Gods. 
Pleasures and pains and desires are a part of human nature, and on 
them every mortal being must of necessity hang and depend with the 
most eager interest. And therefore we must praise the noblest life, 
not only as the fairest in appearance, but as being one which, if a 
man will only taste, and not, while still in his youth, desert for 
another, he will find to surpass also in the very thing which we all 
of us desire-I mean in having a greater amount of pleasure and less of 
pain during the whole of life. And this will be plain, if a man has 
a true taste of them, as will be quickly and clearly seen. But what is 
a true taste? That we have to learn from the argument-the point 
being what is according to nature, and what is not according to 
nature. One life must be compared with another, the more pleasurable 
with the more painful, after this manner:-We desire to have 
pleasure, but we neither desire nor choose pain; and the neutral state 
we are ready to take in exchange, not for pleasure but for pain; and 
we also wish for less pain and greater pleasure, but less pleasure and 
greater pain we do not wish for; and an equal balance of either we 
cannot venture to assert that we should desire. And all these differ 
or do not differ severally in number and magnitude and intensity and 
equality, and in the opposites of these when regarded as objects of 
choice, in relation to desire. And such being the necessary order of 
things, we wish for that life in which there are many great and 
intense elements of pleasure and pain, and in which the pleasures 
are in excess, and do not wish for that in which the opposites exceed; 
nor, again, do we wish for that in which the clements of either are 
small and few and feeble, and the pains exceed. And when, as I said 
before, there is a balance of pleasure and pain in life, this is to be 
regarded by us as the balanced life; while other lives are preferred 
by us because they exceed in what we like, or are rejected by us 
because they exceed in what we dislike. All the lives of men may be 
regarded by us as bound up in these, and we must also consider what 
sort of lives we by nature desire. And if we wish for any others, I 
say that we desire them only through some ignorance and inexperience 
of the lives which actually exist. 
Now, what lives are they, and how many in which, having searched out 
and beheld the objects of will and desire and their opposites, and 
making of them a law, choosing, I say, the dear and the pleasant and 
the best and noblest, a man may live in the happiest way possible? Let 
us say that the temperate life is one kind of life, and the rational 
another, and the courageous another, and the healthful another; and to 
these four let us oppose four other lives-the foolish, the cowardly, 
the intemperate, the diseased. He who knows the temperate life will 
describe it as in all things gentle, having gentle pains and gentle 
pleasures, and placid desires and loves not insane; whereas the 
intemperate life is impetuous in all things, and has violent pains and 
pleasures, and vehement and stinging desires, and loves utterly 
insane; and in the temperate life the pleasures exceed the pains, 
but in the intemperate life the pains exceed the pleasures in 
greatness and number and frequency. Hence one of the two lives is 
naturally and necessarily more pleasant and the other more painful, 
and he who would live pleasantly cannot possibly choose to live 
intemperately. And if this is true, the inference clearly is that no 
man is voluntarily intemperate; but that the whole multitude of men 
lack temperance in their lives, either from ignorance, or from want of 
self-control, or both. And the same holds of the diseased and 
healthy life; they both have pleasures and pains, but in health the 
pleasure exceeds the pain, and in sickness the pain exceeds the 
pleasure. Now our intention in choosing the lives is not that the 
painful should exceed, but the life in which pain is exceeded by 
pleasure we have determined to be the more pleasant life. And we 
should say that the temperate life has the elements both of pleasure 
and pain fewer and smaller and less frequent than the intemperate, and 
the wise life than the foolish life, and the life of courage than 
the life of cowardice; one of each pair exceeding in pleasure and 
the other in pain, the courageous surpassing the cowardly, and the 
wise exceeding the foolish. And so the one dass of lives exceeds the 
other class in pleasure; the temperate and courageous and wise and 
healthy exceed the cowardly and foolish and intemperate and diseased 
lives; and generally speaking, that which has any virtue, whether of 
body or soul, is pleasanter than the vicious life, and far superior in 
beauty and rectitude and excellence and reputation, and causes him who 
lives accordingly to be infinitely happier than the opposite. 
Enough of the preamble; and now the laws should follow; or, to speak 
more correctly, outline of them. As, then, in the case of a web or any 
other tissue, the warp and the woof cannot be made of the same 
materials, but the warp is necessarily superior as being stronger, and 
having a certain character of firmness, whereas the woof is softer and 
has a proper degree of elasticity;-in a similar manner those who are 
to hold great offices in states, should be distinguished truly in each 
case from those who have been but slenderly proven by education. Let 
us suppose that there are two parts in the constitution of a state-one 
the creation of offices, the other the laws which are assigned to them 
to administer. 
But, before all this, comes the following consideration:-The 
shepherd or herdsman, or breeder of horses or the like, when he has 
received his animals will not begin to train them until he has first 
purified them in a manner which befits a community of animals; he will 
divide the healthy and unhealthy, and the good breed and the bad 
breed, and will send away the unhealthy and badly bred to other herds, 
and tend the rest, reflecting that his labours will be vain and have 
no effect, either on the souls or bodies of those whom nature and 
ill nurture have corrupted, and that they will involve in 
destruction the pure and healthy nature and being of every other 
animal, if he should neglect to purify them. Now the case of other 
animals is not so important-they are only worth introducing for the 
sake of illustration; but what relates to man is of the highest 
importance; and the legislator should make enquiries, and indicate 
what is proper for each one in the way of purification and of any 
other procedure. Take, for example, the purification of a city-there 
are many kinds of purification, some easier and others more difficult; 
and some of them, and the best and most difficult of them, the 
legislator, if he be also a despot, may be able to effect; but the 
legislator, who, not being a despot, sets up a new government and 
laws, even if he attempt the mildest of purgations, may think 
himself happy if he can complete his work. The best kind of 
purification is painful, like similar cures in medicine, involving 
righteous punishment and inflicting death or exile in the last resort. 
For in this way we commonly dispose of great sinners who are 
incurable, and are the greatest injury of the whole state. But the 
milder form of purification is as follows:-when men who have 
nothing, and are in want of food, show a disposition to follow their 
leaders in an attack on the property of the rich-these, who are the 
natural plague of the state, are sent away by the legislator in a 
friendly spirit as far as he is able; and this dismissal of them is 
euphemistically termed a colony. And every legislator should 
contrive to do this at once. Our present case, however, is peculiar. 
For there is no need to devise any colony or purifying separation 
under the circumstances in which we are placed. But as, when many 
streams flow together from many sources, whether springs or mountain 
torrents, into a single lake, we ought to attend and take care that 
the confluent waters should be perfectly clear, and in order to effect 
this, should pump and draw off and divert impurities, so in every 
political arrangement there may be trouble and danger. But, seeing 
that we are now only discoursing and not acting, let our selection 
be supposed to be completed, and the desired purity attained. Touching 
evil men, who want to join and be citizens of our state, after we have 
tested them by every sort of persuasion and for a sufficient time, 
we will prevent them from coming; but the good we will to the utmost 
of our ability receive as friends with open arms. 
Another piece of good fortune must not be forgotten, which, as we 
were saying, the Heraclid colony had, and which is also ours-that we 
have escaped division of land and the abolition of debts; for these 
are always a source of dangerous contention, and a city which is 
driven by necessity to legislate upon such matters can neither allow 
the old ways to continue, nor yet venture to alter them. We must 
have recourse to prayers, so to speak, and hope that a slight change 
may be cautiously effected in a length of time. And such a change 
can be accomplished by those who have abundance of land, and having 
also many debtors, are willing, in a kindly spirit, to share with 
those who are in want, sometimes remitting and sometimes giving, 
holding fast in a path of moderation, and deeming poverty to be the 
increase of a man's desires and not the diminution of his property. 
For this is the great beginning of salvation to a state, and upon this 
lasting basis may be erected afterwards whatever political order is 
suitable under the circumstances; but if the change be based upon an 
unsound principle, the future administration of the country will be 
full of difficulties. That is a danger which, as I am saying, is 
escaped by us, and yet we had better say how, if we had not escaped, 
we might have escaped; and we may venture now to assert that no 
other way of escape, whether narrow or broad, can be devised but 
freedom from avarice and a sense of justice-upon this rock our city 
shall be built; for there ought to be no disputes among citizens about 
property. If there are quarrels of long standing among them, no 
legislator of any degree of sense will proceed a step in the 
arrangement of the state until they are settled. But that they to whom 
God has given, as he has to us, to be the founders of a new state as 
yet free from enmity-that they should create themselves enmities by 
their mode of distributing lands and houses, would be superhuman folly 
and wickedness. 
How then can we rightly order the distribution of the land? In the 
first place, the number of the citizens has to be determined, and also 
the number and size of the divisions into which they will have to be 
formed; and the land and the houses will then have to be apportioned 
by us as fairly as we can. The number of citizens can only be 
estimated satisfactorily in relation to the territory and the 
neighbouring states. The territory must be sufficient to maintain a 
certain number of inhabitants in a moderate way of life-more than this 
is not required; and the number of citizens should be sufficient to 
defend themselves against the injustice of their neighbours, and 
also to give them the power of rendering efficient aid to their 
neighbours when they are wronged. After having taken a survey of 
theirs and their neighbours' territory, we will determine the limits 
of them in fact as well as in theory. And now, let us proceed to 
legislate with a view to perfecting the form and outline of our state. 
The number of our citizens shall be 5040-this will be a convenient 
number; and these shall be owners of the land and protectors of the 
allotment. The houses and the land will be divided in the same way, so 
that every man may correspond to a lot. Let the whole number be 
first divided into two parts, and then into three; and the number is 
further capable of being divided into four or five parts, or any 
number of parts up to ten. Every legislator ought to know so much 
arithmetic as to be able to tell what number is most likely to be 
useful to all cities; and we are going to take that number which 
contains the greatest and most regular and unbroken series of 
divisions. The whole of number has every possible division, and the 
number 5040 can be divided by exactly fifty-nine divisors, and ten 
of these proceed without interval from one to ten: this will furnish 
numbers for war and peace, and for all contracts and dealings, 
including taxes and divisions of the land. These properties of 
number should be ascertained at leisure by those who are bound by 
law to know them; for they are true, and should be proclaimed at the 
foundation of the city, with a view to use. Whether the legislator 
is establishing a new state or restoring an old and decayed one, in 
respect of Gods and temples-the temples which are to be built in 
each city, and the Gods or demi-gods after whom they are to be 
called-if he be a man of sense, he will make no change in anything 
which the oracle of Delphi, or Dodona, or the God Ammon, or any 
ancient tradition has sanctioned in whatever manner, whether by 
apparitions or reputed inspiration of Heaven, in obedience to which 
mankind have established sacrifices in connection with mystic rites, 
either originating on the spot, or derived from Tyrrhenia or Cyprus or 
some other place, and on the strength of which traditions they have 
consecrated oracles and images, and altars and temples, and 
portioned out a sacred domain for each of them. The least part of 
all these ought not to be disturbed by the legislator; but he should 
assign to the several districts some God, or demi-god, or hero, and, 
in the distribution of the soil, should give to these first their 
chosen domain and all things fitting, that the inhabitants of the 
several districts may meet at fixed times, and that they may readily 
supply their various wants, and entertain one another with sacrifices, 
and become friends and acquaintances; for there is no greater good 
in a state than that the citizens should be known to one another. When 
not light but darkness and ignorance of each other's characters 
prevails among them, no one will receive the honour of which he is 
deserving, or the power or the justice to which he is fairly entitled: 
wherefore, in every state, above all things, every man should take 
heed that he have no deceit in him, but that he be always true and 
simple; and that no deceitful person take any advantage of him. 
The next move in our pastime of legislation, like the withdrawal 
of the stone from the holy line in the game of draughts, being an 
unusual one, will probably excite wonder when mentioned for the 
first time. And yet, if a man will only reflect and weigh the matter 
with care, he will see that our city is ordered in a manner which, 
if not the best, is the second best. Perhaps also some one may not 
approve this form, because he thinks that such a constitution is ill 
adapted to a legislator who has not despotic power. The truth is, that 
there are three forms of government, the best, the second and the 
third best, which we may just mention, and then leave the selection to 
the ruler of the settlement. Following this method in the present 
instance, let us speak of the states which are respectively first, 
second, and third in excellence, and then we will leave the choice 
to Cleinias now, or to any one else who may hereafter have to make a 
similar choice among constitutions, and may desire to give to his 
state some feature which is congenial to him and which he approves 
in his own country. 
The first and highest form of the state and of the government and of 
the law is that in which there prevails most widely the ancient 
saying, that "Friends have all things in common." Whether there is 
anywhere now, or will ever be, this communion of women and children 
and of property, in which the private and individual is altogether 
banished from life, and things which are by nature private, such as 
eyes and ears and hands, have become common, and in some way see and 
hear and act in common, and all men express praise and blame and 
feel joy and sorrow on the same occasions, and whatever laws there are 
unite the city to the utmost-whether all this is possible or not, I 
say that no man, acting upon any other principle, will ever constitute 
a state which will be truer or better or more exalted in virtue. 
Whether such a state is governed by Gods or sons of Gods, one, or more 
than one, happy are the men who, living after this manner, dwell 
there; and therefore to this we are to look for the pattern of the 
state, and to cling to this, and to seek with all our might for one 
which is like this. The state which we have now in hand, when created, 
will be nearest to immortality and the only one which takes the second 
place; and after that, by the grace of God, we will complete the third 
one. And we will begin by speaking of the nature and origin of the 
Let the citizens at once distribute their land and houses, and not 
till the land in common, since a community of goods goes beyond 
their proposed origin, and nurture, and education. But in making the 
distribution, let the several possessors feel that their particular 
lots also belong to the whole city; and seeing that the earth is their 
parent, let them tend her more carefully than children do their 
mother. For she is a goddess and their queen, and they are her 
mortal subjects. Such also are the feelings which they ought to 
entertain to the Gods and demi-gods of the country. And in order 
that the distribution may always remain, they ought to consider 
further that the present number of families should be always retained, 
and neither increased nor diminished. This may be secured for the 
whole city in the following manner:-Let the possessor of a lot leave 
the one of his children who is his best beloved, and one only, to be 
the heir of his dwelling, and his successor in the duty of ministering 
to the Gods, the state and the family, as well the living members of 
it as those who are departed when he comes into the inheritance; but 
of his other children, if he have more than one, he shall give the 
females in marriage according to the law to be hereafter enacted, 
and the males he shall distribute as sons to those citizens who have 
no children and are disposed to receive them; or if there should be 
none such, and particular individuals have too many children, male 
or female, or too few, as in the case of barrenness-in all these cases 
let the highest and most honourable magistracy created by us judge and 
determine what is to be done with the redundant or deficient, and 
devise a means that the number of 5040 houses shall always remain 
the same. There are many ways of regulating numbers; for they in 
whom generation is affluent may be made to refrain, and, on the 
other hand, special care may be taken to increase the number of births 
by rewards and stigmas, or we may meet the evil by the elder men 
giving advice and administering rebuke to the younger-in this way 
the object may be attained. And if after all there be very great 
difficulty about the equal preservation of the 5040 houses, and 
there be an excess of citizens, owing to the too great love of those 
who live together, and we are at our wits' end, there is still the old 
device often mentioned by us of sending out a colony, which will 
part friends with us, and be composed of suitable persons. If, on 
the other hand, there come a wave bearing a deluge of disease, or a 
plague of war, and the inhabitants become much fewer than the 
appointed number by reason of bereavement, we ought not to introduce 
citizens of spurious birth and education, if this can be avoided; 
but even God is said not to be able to fight against necessity. 
Wherefore let us suppose this "high argument" of ours to address 
us in the following terms:-Best of men, cease not to honour 
according to nature similarity and equality and sameness and 
agreement, as regards number and every good and noble quality. And, 
above all, observe the aforesaid number 5040 throughout life; in the 
second place, do not disparage the small and modest proportions of the 
inheritances which you received in the distribution, by buying and 
selling them to one another. For then neither will the God who gave 
you the lot be your friend, nor will the legislator; and indeed the 
law declares to the disobedient that these are the terms upon which he 
may or may not take the lot. In the first place, the earth as he is 
informed is sacred to the Gods; and in the next place, priests and 
priestesses will offer up prayers over a first, and second, and even a 
third sacrifice, that he who buys or sells the houses or lands which 
he has received, may suffer the punishment which he deserves; and 
these their prayers they shall write down in the temples, on tablets 
of cypress-wood, for the instruction of posterity. Moreover they 
will set a watch over all these things, that they may be observed;-the 
magistracy which has the sharpest eyes shall keep watch that any 
infringement of these commands may be discovered and punished as 
offences both against the law and the God. How great is the benefit of 
such an ordinance to all those cities, which obey and are administered 
accordingly, no bad man can ever know, as the old proverb says; but 
only a man of experience and good habits. For in such an order of 
things there will not be much opportunity for making money; no man 
either ought, or indeed will be allowed, to exercise any ignoble 
occupation, of which the vulgarity is a matter of reproach to a 
freeman, and should never want to acquire riches by any such means. 
Further, the law enjoins that no private man shall be allowed to 
possess gold and silver, but only coin for daily use, which is 
almost necessary in dealing with artisans, and for payment of 
hirelings, whether slaves or immigrants, by all those persons who 
require the use of them. Wherefore our citizens, as we say, should 
have a coin passing current among themselves, but not accepted among 
the rest of mankind; with a view, however, to expeditions and journeys 
to other lands-for embassies, or for any other occasion which may 
arise of sending out a herald, the state must also possess a common 
Hellenic currency. If a private person is ever obliged to go abroad, 
let him have the consent of the magistrates and go; and if when he 
returns he has any foreign money remaining, let him give the surplus 
back to the treasury, and receive a corresponding sum in the local 
currency. And if he is discovered to appropriate it, let it be 
confiscated, and let him who knows and does not inform be subject to 
curse and dishonour equally him who brought the money, and also to a 
fine not less in amount than the foreign money which has been 
brought back. In marrying and giving in marriage, no one shall give or 
receive any dowry at all; and no one shall deposit money with 
another whom he does not trust as a friend, nor shall he lend money 
upon interest; and the borrower should be under no obligation to repay 
either capital or interest. That these principles are best, any one 
may see who compares them with the first principle and intention of 
a state. The intention, as we affirm, of a reasonable statesman, is 
not what the many declare to be the object of a good legislator, 
namely, that the state for the true interests of which he is 
advising should be as great and as rich as possible, and should 
possess gold and silver, and have the greatest empire by sea and 
land;-this they imagine to be the real object of legislation, at the 
same time adding, inconsistently, that the true legislator desires 
to have the city the best and happiest possible. But they do not see 
that some of these things are possible, and some of them are 
impossible; and he who orders the state will desire what is 
possible, and will not indulge in vain wishes or attempts to 
accomplish that which is impossible. The citizen must indeed be 
happy and good, and the legislator will seek to make him so; but 
very rich and very good at the same time he cannot be, not, at 
least, in the sense in which the many speak of riches. For they mean 
by "the rich" the few who have the most valuable possessions, although 
the owner of them may quite well be a rogue. And if this is true, I 
can never assent to the doctrine that the rich man will be happy-he 
must be good as well as rich. And good in a high degree, and rich in a 
high degree at the same time, he cannot be. Some one will ask, why 
not? And we shall answer-Because acquisitions which come from 
sources which are just and unjust indifferently, are more than 
double those which come from just sources only; and the sums which are 
expended neither honourably nor disgracefully, are only half as 
great as those which are expended honourably and on honourable 
purposes. Thus, if the one acquires double and spends half, the 
other who is in the opposite case and is a good man cannot possibly be 
wealthier than he. The first-I am speaking of the saver and not of the 
spender-is not always bad; he may indeed in some cases be utterly bad, 
but, as I was saying, a good man he never is. For he who receives 
money unjustly as well as justly, and spends neither nor unjustly, 
will be a rich man if he be also thrifty. On the other hand, the 
utterly bad is in general profligate, and therefore very poor; while 
he who spends on noble objects, and acquires wealth by just means 
only, can hardly be remarkable for riches, any more than he can be 
very poor. Our statement, then, is true, that the very rich are not 
good, and, if they are not good, they are not happy. But the intention 
of our laws was that the citizens should be as happy as may be, and as 
friendly as possible to one another. And men who are always at law 
with one another, and amongst whom there are many wrongs done, can 
never be friends to one another, but only those among whom crimes 
and lawsuits are few and slight. Therefore we say that gold and silver 
ought not to be allowed in the city, nor much of the vulgar sort of 
trade which is carried on by lending money, or rearing the meaner 
kinds of live stock; but only the produce of agriculture, and only 
so much of this as will not compel us in pursuing it to neglect that 
for the sake of which riches exist-I mean, soul and body, which 
without gymnastics, and without education, will never be worth 
anything; and therefore, as we have said not once but many times, 
the care of riches should have the last place in our thoughts. For 
there are in all three things about which every man has an interest; 
and the interest about money, when rightly regarded, is the third 
and lowest of them: midway comes the interest of the body; and, 
first of all, that of the soul; and the state which we are 
describing will have been rightly constituted if it ordains honours 
according to this scale. But if, in any of the laws which have been 
ordained, health has been preferred to temperance, or wealth to health 
and temperate habits, that law must clearly be wrong. Wherefore, also, 
the legislator ought often to impress upon himself the 
question-"What do I want?" and "Do I attain my aim, or do I miss the 
mark?" In this way, and in this way only, he ma acquit himself and 
free others from the work of legislation. 
Let the allottee then hold his lot upon the conditions which we have 
It would be well that every man should come to the colony having all 
things equal; but seeing that this is not possible, and one man will 
have greater possessions than another, for many reasons and in 
particular in order to preserve equality in special crises of the 
state, qualifications of property must be unequal, in order that 
offices and contributions and distributions may be proportioned to the 
value of each person's wealth, and not solely to the virtue of his 
ancestors or himself, nor yet to the strength and beauty of his 
person, but also to the measure of his wealth or poverty; and so by 
a law of inequality, which will be in proportion to his wealth, he 
will receive honours and offices as equally as possible, and there 
will be no quarrels and disputes. To which end there should be four 
different standards appointed according to the amount of property: 
there should be a first and a second and a third and a fourth class, 
in which the citizens will be placed, and they will be called by these 
or similar names: they may continue in the same rank, or pass into 
another in any individual case, on becoming richer from being, poorer, 
or poorer from being richer. The form of law which I should propose as 
the natural sequel would be as follows:-In a state which is desirous 
of being saved from the greatest of all plagues-not faction, but 
rather distraction;-here should exist among the citizens neither 
extreme poverty, nor, again, excess of wealth, for both are productive 
of both these evils. Now the legislator should determine what is to be 
the limit of poverty or wealth. Let the limit of poverty be the 
value of the lot; this ought to be preserved, and no ruler, nor any 
one else who aspires after a reputation for virtue, will allow the lot 
to be impaired in any case. This the legislator gives as a measure, 
and he will permit a man to acquire double or triple, or as much as 
four times the amount of this. But if a person have yet greater 
riches, whether he has found them, or they have been given to him, 
or he has made them in business, or has acquired by any stroke of 
fortune that which is in excess of the measure, if he give back the 
surplus to the state, and to the Gods who are the patrons of the 
state, he shall suffer no penalty or loss of reputation; but if he 
disobeys this our law any one who likes may inform against him and 
receive half the value of the excess, and the delinquent shall pay a 
sum equal to the excess out of his own property, and the other half of 
the excess shall belong to the Gods. And let every possession of every 
man, with the exception of the lot, be publicly registered before 
the magistrates whom the law appoints, so that all suits about money 
may be easy and quite simple. 
The next thing to be noted is, that the city should be placed as 
nearly as possible in the centre of the country; we should choose a 
place which possesses what is suitable for a city, and this may easily 
be imagined and described. Then we will divide the city into twelve 
portions, first founding temples to Hestia, to Zeus and to Athene, 
in a spot which we will call the Acropolis, and surround with a 
circular wall, making the division of the entire city and country 
radiate from this point. The twelve portions shall be equalized by the 
provision that those which are of good land shall be smaller. while 
those of inferior quality shall be larger. The number of the lots 
shall be 5040, and each of them shall be divided into two, and every 
allotment shall be composed of two such sections; one of land near the 
city, the other of land which is at a distance. This arrangement shall 
be carried out in the following manner: The section which is near 
the city shall be added to that which is on borders, and form one lot, 
and the portion which is next nearest shall be added to the portion 
which is next farthest; and so of the rest. Moreover, in the two 
sections of the lots the same principle of equalization of the soil 
ought to be maintained; the badness and goodness shall be 
compensated by more and less. And the legislator shall divide the 
citizens into twelve parts, and arrange the rest of their property, as 
far as possible, so as to form twelve equal parts; and there shall 
be a registration of all. After this they shall assign twelve lots 
to twelve Gods, and call them by their names, and dedicate to each God 
their several portions, and call the tribes after them. And they shall 
distribute the twelve divisions of the city in the same way in which 
they divided the country; and every man shall have two habitations, 
one in the centre of the country, and the other at the extremity. 
Enough of the manner of settlement. 
Now we ought by all means to consider that there can never be such a 
happy concurrence of circumstances as we have described; neither can 
all things coincide as they are wanted. Men who will not take 
offence at such a mode of living together, and will endure all their 
life long to have their property fixed at a moderate limit, and to 
beget children in accordance with our ordinances, and will allow 
themselves to be deprived of gold and other things which the 
legislator, as is evident from these enactments, will certainly forbid 
them; and will endure, further, the situation of the land with the 
city in the middle and dwellings round about;-all this is as if the 
legislator were telling his dreams, or making a city and citizens of 
wax. There is truth in these objections, and therefore every one 
should take to heart what I am going to say. Once more, then, the 
legislator shall appear and address us:-"O my friends," he will say to 
us, "do not suppose me ignorant that there is a certain degree of 
truth in your words; but I am of opinion that, in matters which are 
not present but future, he who exhibits a pattern of that at which 
he aims, should in nothing fall short of the fairest and truest; and 
that if he finds any part of this work impossible of execution he 
should avoid and not execute it, but he should contrive to carry out 
that which is nearest and most akin to it; you must allow the 
legislator to perfect his design, and when it is perfected, you should 
join with him in considering what part of his legislation is expedient 
and what will arouse opposition; for surely the artist who is to be 
deemed worthy of any regard at all, ought always to make his work 
Having determined that there is to be a distribution into twelve 
parts, let us now see in what way this may be accomplished. There is 
no difficulty in perceiving that the twelve parts admit of the 
greatest number of divisions of that which they include, or in 
seeing the other numbers which are consequent upon them, and are 
produced out of them up to 5040; wherefore the law ought to order 
phratries and demes and villages, and also military ranks and 
movements, as well as coins and measures, dry and liquid, and weights, 
so as to be commensurable and agreeable to one another. Nor should 
we fear the appearance of minuteness, if the law commands that all the 
vessels which a man possesses should have a common measure, when we 
consider generally that the divisions and variations of numbers have a 
use in respect of all the variations of which they are susceptible, 
both in themselves and as measures of height and depth, and in all 
sounds, and in motions, as well those which proceed in a straight 
direction, upwards or downwards, as in those which go round and round. 
The legislator is to consider all these things and to bid the 
citizens, as far as possible, not to lose sight of numerical order; 
for no single instrument of youthful education has such mighty 
power, both as regards domestic economy and politics, and in the arts, 
as the study of arithmetic. Above all, arithmetic stirs up him who 
is by nature sleepy and dull, and makes him quick to learn, retentive, 
shrewd, and aided by art divine he makes progress quite beyond his 
natural powers. All such things, if only the legislator, by other laws 
and institutions, can banish meanness and covetousness from the 
souls of men, so that they can use them properly and to their own 
good, will be excellent and suitable instruments of education. But 
if he cannot, he will unintentionally create in them, instead of 
wisdom, the habit of craft, which evil tendency may be observed in the 
Egyptians and Phoenicians, and many other races, through the general 
vulgarity of their pursuits and acquisitions, whether some unworthy 
legislator theirs has been the cause, or some impediment of chance 
or nature. For we must not fail to observe, O Megillus and Cleinias, 
that there is a difference in places, and that some beget better men 
and others worse; and we must legislate accordingly. Some places are 
subject to strange and fatal influences by reason of diverse winds and 
violent heats, some by reason of waters; or, again, from the character 
of the food given by the earth, which not only affects the bodies of 
men for good or evil, but produces similar results in their souls. And 
in all such qualities those spots excel in which there is a divine 
inspiration, and in which the demi-gods have their appointed lots, and 
are propitious, not adverse, to the settlers in them. To all these 
matters the legislator, if he have any sense in him, will attend as 
far as man can, and frame his laws accordingly. And this is what 
you, Cleinias, must do, and to matters of this kind you must turn your 
mind since you are going to colonize a new country. 
Cleinias. Your words, Athenian Stranger, are excellent, and I will 
do as you say. 

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